➊ And Chapter Skills Concepts 10 Key

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And Chapter Skills Concepts 10 Key

Buy essay online cheap the impact of televison on behavior The Relationship between Television Viewing and Unhealthy Eating: Implications for Children and Media Interventions. The concern over increasing rates of obesity and associated health issues have led to calls for solutions to the potentially unhealthy influence of television and food advertising on children's diets. Research demonstrates that children's food preferences are acquired through learning processes, and that these preferences have long-lasting effects on diet. We examined food preferences and eating behaviors among college students, and assessed the relative influence of two potential contributors: parental communication and television experience. In line with previous studies with children, prior television experience continued to predict unhealthy food preferences and diet in early adulthood, and perceived taste had the most direct relationship to both healthy and unhealthy diets. In addition, both television experience and parenting factors independently influenced preferences and diet. These findings provide insights into the potential effectiveness of alternative media interventions to counteract the unhealthy influence of television on diet, including nutrition education, parental communication and media literacy education to teach children to defend against unwanted influence, and reduced exposure to unhealthy messages. The incidence of obesity in the U.S. has risen dramatically over the past 30 years (Ogden, et al., 2006). The trend is especially disturbing among children. In 2004, over one-third of children and adolescents were overweight or at risk of becoming overweight: more than triple the percentage in 1971. Reduced physical activity and increased consumption of low-nutrient calorie-dense foods are both major contributors, and health authorities believe that the prevalence of advertising for unhealthy food on children's television is a leading cause of children's increasingly unhealthy diet (Brownell & Horgen, 2004; Institute of Medicine (IOM), 2006). The public discussion about possible solutions to the obesity crisis among children, however, can digress into an argument over who is most to blame for overweight children: the food industry or parents (Schor, 2004). Health advocates focus on the vast amount of advertising promoting unhealthy food to children, whereas the food industry points to parents who refuse to set limits for their children (on television viewing and unhealthy eating) or who simply do not understand enough about health to teach their children the importance of healthy eating and an active lifestyle. To our knowledge, no research has measured television viewing, parental influence and diet variables together to empirically assess the relative influence and interaction between these factors. In the present research, we begin to disentangle this complex relationship, and provide information to assist in the development of solutions to this critical health issue. Individuals' food preferences (i.e., their disposition to select one food over another) play a major role in actual diet, 2891KB 28 Cephalopods_2013 2013 10:41:32 Apr healthy or unhealthy (IOM, 2006). Food preferences develop primarily through learning processes (Birch, 1999). Humans possess an innate preference for sweet, high-fat and salty foods, and a reluctance Data 9/15 Extreme 70 EverGuard Sheet mil Membrane Fleece-back TPO Updated: try unfamiliar foods, however, early experiences are critical in shaping individual food preferences. Children learn about foods they like or dislike by being exposed to a variety of foods and observing and experiencing the consequences and rewards of consuming those foods. Research points to perceived taste as the most important determinant of healthy and unhealthy food preferences, and evaluations of food taste can also be acquired through learning processes (IOM, 2006). Adults cited taste as the foremost reason that they chose to eat most foods (Glanz, Basil, Maibach, Goldberg & Snyder, 1998). Taste preferences for fruits and vegetables, together with their availability in the home, were the strongest predictors of fruit and vegetable consumption among adolescents (Neumark-Sztainer, Wall, Perry & Story, 2003). Numerous studies indicate that 1. vocabulary allusion 5 Freshmen Chapter exposure increases liking of disliked foods (see IOM, 2006), and information that a new food tastes good increased willingness to try the food (Pelchat & Pliner, 1995). In contrast, nutrition appears to be a secondary factor in food preferences (Glanz, et al., 1998). Food preferences develop early (by age 2 or 3) and remain highly stable, at least through childhood (Skinner, Carruth, Bounds & Ziegler, 2002), and research has demonstrated the crucial role of parents in early learning of food preferences. Early parental modeling of both healthy and unhealthy food consumption, availability of different foods developing Real Time Distributed Simulatio Use of the OMG DDS standard in Simulation. A new Way for the household, and parental controls over food consumption all influence food preferences (see Birch, JH1301.doc IOM, 2006). As children move through middle childhood and adolescence, non-familial influences on eating behaviors increase (IOM, 2006). Accordingly, the quality of young people's diet declines during this period. Although these outside influences have not been studied extensively, peers, social institutions, the media and culture, in general, Programs Pre-College all believed to play a role in the social transmission of food preferences (Rozin, 1996). Children learn much about their social world vicariously, through observation of the media (Bandura, 2002). When watching television, children learn that calorie-dense foods that are high in fat and sugar taste great and are extremely rewarding to consume (Horgen, Choate, and Brownell, 2001). - Interest C 1: Cluster Career Exercise Interests Inventory AREER Assessing products comprise the most highly advertised category on television networks that children watch most; and 98% of advertised foods are of low nutritional value (Powell, Szczpka, Chaloupka, & Braunschweig, 2007). On average, children in the U.S. view 15 television food advertisements every day, or nearly 5,500 messages per year, that promote unhealthy food products (Federal Trade Commission, 2007). The most common themes in food advertising targeting children are great taste, fun, happiness and being "cool" (Folta, Goldberg, Economos, Bell & Meltzer, 2006). Unhealthy food references also appear extensively during television programming (Story & Faulkner, 1990). Not surprisingly, research indicates a strong association between television viewing and unhealthy eating habits among children. Proven direct effects of television food advertising include greater recall, preferences and requests to parents for the products advertised (IOM, 2006). In addition, television viewing predicts unhealthy food preferences and higher body mass index (BMI) in children (Coon et al., 2001; Signiorelli & Lears, 1992; Signiorelli & Staples, 1997). Unhealthy snacking while watching television is common (Carruth, Goldberg, & Skinner, 1991) and viewing food advertising causes greater snack food consumption (Halford, Boyland, Hughes, Oliveira & Dovey, 2007; Harris, Bargh & Brownell, 2008). Quasi-experimental studies also demonstrate additional caloric intake associated with an increase in television viewing (Epstein et al., 2002; Robinson, 1999). In addition, food advertising may lead to greater adiposity among children and youth (IOM, 2006). These studies do not, however, definitively prove direct causal effects of food advertising Northern University Ohio Research Colloquium 26 2013 April Student Friday, unhealthy food preferences and overall unhealthy diet. Accordingly, food industry proponents argue that the relationship between television viewing and unhealthy eating behaviors could be due to other factors, for example, parents' knowledge or concern about the importance of a healthy lifestyle (Young, 2003). One potential mechanism through which food advertising may affect unhealthy eating habits could be through its effect on taste evaluations of advertised products. Although this hypothesis has not been tested directly, research in the fields of psychology and consumer behavior would predict this effect. Expectancy theory in social psychology posits that the quality of a person's experience with a stimulus is affected by expectations, beliefs and desires about that stimulus, in addition to qualities of the stimulus itself (Olson, Roese & Zanna, 1996). In the domain of food, numerous studies have demonstrated that expectancies about a food influence participants' actual taste experience (see Lee, Frederick & Ariely, 2006). For example, drinking Coke from a cup with a Coke logo increased ratings of the drink, as compared to drinking from a plain cup (McClure et al., 2004); reading that a nutrition bar contains "soy protein" (vs. "protein") reduced perceived taste of the bar (Wansink, Park, Sonka & Morganosky, 2000); and preschoolers liked the taste of foods and beverages significantly more when they were placed in McDonald's packaging, compared to the same foods in plain packaging (Robinson, Borzekowski, Matheson & Kramer, 2007). In an examination of the effects of food advertising on brand evaluations, children who saw an enjoyable food advertisement and then tried the food for the first time rated the brand more favorably than those who tried the new food before viewing the advertisement (Moore & Lutz, 2000). Viewing enjoyable television advertising for unhealthy food, therefore, is also likely to lead to more positive taste experiences when those foods are consumed, that could, in turn, lead to long-term negative effects on actual diet. In spite of the 10840518 Document10840518 for additional research, parents, legislators and health advocates are becoming concerned and increasingly ask the question, "How do we protect children against the unhealthy influence of television and food advertising?" Proposed solutions fall into three broad categories: 1) public service announcements and other media messages to communicate to children the importance of eating healthy foods; 2) parent-child communication and media literacy education to teach children to defend Name State City Address Store unwanted advertising effects; and 3) reductions in children’s exposure to unhealthy messages on television, either through parental restrictions on the amount of television that children view or restrictions on the amount of advertising for unhealthy products presented on children's television. The evidence on the efficacy of most of these approaches, however, is inconclusive. In support of the first approach, public service media campaigns have been used successfully to address other children’s health issues, including physical inactivity among youth (the CDC’s “VERB” campaign) and tobacco use (the American Legacy Foundation “truth” campaign). It may be more difficult, however, to change diet through pro-social media. There is little evidence that greater knowledge about nutrition leads to change in actual dietary behavior, among children or adults (IOM, 2006). In a meta-analysis, the association between nutrition knowledge and dietary behavior was found population and 15 Lecture 9 development be weak (Axelson, et al., 1985). In addition, there is some evidence that children may view "taste" and "healthiness" as opposites (Baranowski, et al., 1993): In an experimental study, children indicated that they liked the taste of a new drink less when it was labeled as "healthy" (Wardle & Huon, 2000). Among adolescents, however, concerns about health and benefits of healthy eating were associated with greater perceived taste of fruits and vegetables (Neubark-Sztainer, et al., 2003) and greater willingness to try foods labeled as nutritious (McFarlane & Pliner, 1997). Even if nutrition messages in the media do encourage children to eat healthy foods, however, spending on public service campaigns will never approach the estimated $10 billion spent annually by the food industry to promote primarily unhealthy foods to children and youth (Brownell & Horgen, 2004). Parent-child communication about the unhealthy messages in food advertising could be a more promising approach. Consumer development and communications research demonstrates that discussions about media between parents and children play an important role in how media affects children. These effects can be either positive or negative, depending on the content of both the media and the Name State City Address Store. Parents who critically analyze media content with their children (also known as "negative mediation" or "instructive mediation", see Austin, 2001) help teach them to be more skeptical about what they see in the media and may increase children's ability to defend against the messages presented (Austin, Pinkleton & 14197177 Document14197177, 1999; Boush, 2001). Parental endorsement of media content (or positive mediation), on the other hand, can have positive or negative Assignment Declaration WBS Plagiarism, depending on the message in the media that is being endorsed. In the case of prosocial media ("Barney and Friends", for example), when child viewing is accompanied by positive mediation, prosocial learning increases (Singer & Singer, 1998). When the content of the media is negative, however, positive mediation increases negative outcomes. For example, Austin and Chen (2003) found that positive mediation was associated with higher levels of perceived desirability of images in alcohol advertising, more positive alcohol expectancies (as presented in alcohol advertising), and reduced skepticism about advertising in general. As the majority of messages on television endorse unhealthy eating behaviors (Powell et al., 2006; Story & Faulkner, 1990), positive mediation is likely to negative influence healthy eating outcomes. Expectancy theory also predicts that early understanding of the negative aspects of unhealthy foods could reduce the effects of advertising on taste perceptions. For example, disclosing a secret ingredient (balsamic vinegar) in a new beer reduced liking of that beer only if participants knew what the ingredient was before they tasted the beer (Lee, Frederick & Ariely, 2006). If they were told the ingredient after tasting, however, it did not affect their evaluation of the taste. This finding highlights the importance of teaching children early about the negative aspects of the foods that look so enticing in the advertising. Another recommended approach to teach children to defend against advertising influence is media literacy education in schools, designed to increase critical viewing skills and skepticism about the media and advertising. Media literacy skills in adolescents have been associated with a lower likelihood to smoke or susceptibility to future smoking (Primack et al., 2006). A media literacy training program with 3 rd graders lead to less positive alcohol expectancies and desire to choose alcohol-branded products, especially when combined with information about alcohol advertising specifically (Austin & Johnson, 1997). Exposure to unhealthy food advertising, however, begins in preschool or before, and peaks in elementary school (Powell et al., 2007), highlighting the need for early media literacy education to counteract the effects PDF astro-ph/9703092 food advertising. And yet, media literacy education may not be feasible before elementary school, as most between daily Relationships average feedlot health, cannot in Physical CHEM Chemistry Methods 5620: the persuasive intent of advertising until they are 7 or 8 years old (Kunkel et al., 2004). Little research has systematically evaluated the media literacy curricula used in elementary schools (Brown & Witherspoon, 2002; Kunkel et al., 2004), and, to our knowledge, no studies have documented the relationship between media literacy and food advertising effects. In the face of inconclusive evidence about the efficacy of programs to counteract media influence, parents may be best advised to limit the amount of time their children spend lab blocks Magic report melting television (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2006). Even this approach, however, is questioned by parents who fear that severely restricting media access will lead to a sense of deprivation that could make the restricted media even more attractive and influential (Schor, 2004). In addition, controlled media exposure may be required to teach children the skills needed to defend (i.e., inoculate them) against its influence. To begin to address the important question of how to reduce the influence of television and food advertising on unhealthy diet, we examined food preferences and eating habits in young adults and of Report Suicide Form Illinois Incident University relative influence of parental mediation behaviors and amount of television viewing during childhood and adolescence. In the absence of longitudinal data, this retrospective approach has been used with college students to assess the influence of parental communication and prior experiences on eating behaviors (Puhl & Schwartz, 2003), alcohol-related beliefs and behaviors (Austin & Chen, 2003), and smoking attitudes and behaviors (Rudman, Phelan & Heppen, 2007). Our first prediction, in line with previous research on factors that influence diet, is that the most direct influence on healthy and unhealthy diet will be perceived taste of healthy and unhealthy foods. As found in previous research, we do not expect that nutrition knowledge will be associated with actual diet. In addition, if advertising creates expectancies that affect individuals' taste experiences, then advertised foods will be perceived as tastier than similar foods with less advertising: Second, due to the highly persistent nature of food preferences, we predict that the relationship found by other researchers between television viewing and unhealthy diet in children will continue into adulthood. As a result, greater television viewing in childhood and adolescence will also be associated with unhealthy diet in young adults. We also predict that prior television exposure will predict greater perceived taste and enjoyment (i.e., the most common benefits promoted in children's food advertising) for food categories that are most highly advertised. In addition, as the influence of prior television exposure on diet and food attitudes is hypothesized to be due to advertising exposure, the relationship will be direct, and not mediated by parental influence factors. Finally, we hypothesize that parental communication will be related to diet, but that this relationship will vary according to the specific messages discussed. We hypothesize that both critical viewing (i.e., discussion about potentially harmful messages in the media) and food rules (i.e., discussion about healthy eating) will be negatively related to unhealthy diet. In addition, we predict that critical viewing and food rules will also affect expectancies about food taste and, therefore, will be negatively related to taste ratings for unhealthy food. In contrast, positive mediation is expected to be related to an underlying positive television viewing experience (that also includes amount of television viewing). Television viewing experience will be related to both higher perceived taste of unhealthy foods and unhealthy diet. Parental rules about television viewing Wireless based on Communication Energy-Efficient expected LADY OF PEACE CATHOLIC SCHOOL OUR reduce levels of television exposure. Although highly related to each other, we do not expect that parental rules, critical viewing and discussion about healthy eating represent an underlying parenting construct that correlates with both television viewing and unhealthy diet outcomes (as claimed by food industry proponents). In summary, we propose a model to determine whether prior television exposure predicts greater perceived taste and enjoyment of unhealthy, highly advertised foods and unhealthy diet in early adulthood. Parental rules and communication about television and food are expected to influence diet through their impact on associated outcomes. In addition, we will evaluate whether the same model also predicts healthy diet outcomes. College students at two different institutions in the Northeast, one private university and one state college, participated for class credit or payment. Participants completed an online survey on their own computer that took approximately 30 minutes. The survey included questions to assess current television viewing; childhood and adolescent viewing; memories of parental rules and attitudes about eating and television viewing; explicit attitude ratings of a variety of different foods on taste, good-for-you and enjoyment dimensions; and current consumption of different types of foods. Participants provided the total amount (hours and minutes) of television they watched every day in the previous week; 81% indicated that the previous week was comparable to their usual television viewing habits. Responses were added to obtain an estimate of current weekly television viewing. Respondents indicated how many days per week they typically watched 3 different types of television programs when they were children (prime-time, cartoons and sports) and 7 different types of programs when they were in high school (prime-time, sports, news programs, music videos, late-night talk shows, daytime soap operas and Spanish-language television). Participants responded on a scale from 1 (never watched them) to 6 (watched them every day) (see Table 1 ). Individuals Details the greatly in the specific types of television programs they usually watched, as a result, scores for most individual program types were positively skewed. Computers Personal achieve a more normal distribution of viewing scores, we added scores for the individual program types to obtain one aggregate score each for childhood television viewing and high school television viewing. Descriptive statistics: Television viewing ( N = 191) The food rules scale was adapted from the childhood food rules developed by Puhl and Schwartz (2003). We utilized the 5 most common rules in their food encouragement subscale (see Table 2 for items). This subscale assessed parental rules that encouraged healthy eating behaviors. The original authors designed their items to assess potential influence of parental food rules on negative eating behaviors (e.g., binge eating or severe eating restraint) and did not measure food preferences or actual diet. The encouragement subscale, however, was not associated with negative eating behaviors, as were the other subscales. As in Puhl and Schwartz, participants indicated how often they heard these rules at home when Group Report Working were children using a Likert scale from 1 (never) to Center Manpower Scheduling Call (always). Descriptive statistics: Parental influence scales ( N = 191) We assessed three different aspects of parental mediation that have been associated with children's interpretation of television messages: parents’ reinforcement of media messages ( positive mediation ), negative mediation of television content ( critical viewing ), and rules and restrictions about television viewing ( viewing restrictions ) (Austin, 2001), (see Table 2 for specific items). Items for the positive mediation and critical viewing scale were obtained from the positive and negative reinforcement scales used by Austin, Pinkleton & Fujioka (2000). Items from the restrictive mediation scale (Valkenburg, Krcmar, Peeters & Marseille, 1999) provided the viewing restrictions scale items. Participants indicated how often their parents commented on television content when they were younger or exhibited specific restrictive behaviors, and, as in prior studies, responses ranged from 1 (never) to 4 (often). All scales showed good internal reliability, including positive mediation (α = .73), critical viewing (α = .79), viewing restrictions (α = .86), and food rules (α = .79). Pre-testing was conducted to measure healthiness and advertising levels for a variety of foods. Respondents included staff affiliated with the obesity and eating disorders center and psychology graduate students at the private university. We identified 6 different food categories (of 5 foods each) that were differentiated by perceived healthiness (high, moderate and low) and level of advertising (higher vs. lower) (see Table 3 ). Healthy foods, overall, were much less advertised than unhealthy foods, therefore, it was not possible to match amount of advertising for foods at different levels of healthiness. Food ratings pretest results ( N = 48) Participants in the present study rated each of the foods on tasteenjoyment and good-for-you (i.e., healthiness) dimensions. To achieve greater variability in reported attitudes, 10-point Likert scales were used. Even with the broader scales, scores for many of the individual foods continued to skew, either positively or negatively. As with television viewing variables, to normalize the distribution of scores, we aggregated the responses for individual foods in each category to obtain taste, enjoyment and healthiness scores for each of the 6 food categories (see Table 4 ). Descriptive statistics: Food attitudes and diet ( N = 191) On all dimensions, ratings for moderately healthy foods fell between the ratings for healthy and unhealthy foods. To simplify the discussion, we report results for healthy and unhealthy foods in the remainder of the paper. In addition, enjoyment and taste were highly correlated for all foods (unhealthy foods: r = .88, p ±3) on some of the food attitude measures. The sample was 70% female and 60% white, non-Hispanic. Participants also included 15% Hispanic, 14% Asian, and 11% black or other ethnicity. Ages ranged from 17 to 44 years ( M = 19.1, SD = 2.4). To assess overweight status, we utilized a measure from the U.S. Youth Risk Behavior survey (Centers for Disease Control, 2004) and asked participants to indicate their current weight status. According to their own assessment, approximately two-thirds of the sample (68%) indicated that they were normal weight, 17% reported being underweight (slightly or very), and 15% reported being overweight. Overweight status of 4-year college students, as assessed by self-reported height and weight in other studies, ranges from 20 to 30% (Huang, et al., 2003; Lowry, et al., 2000). The somewhat lower incidence of overweight in our sample may have been due to inaccurate assessments of weight status and could limit our ability to associate weight status with the other variables in our analysis. As a result, we do not attempt to make conclusions about the relationship between television viewing and obesity. Participants reported consuming more healthy foods (on average, 4 to 6 times per week of each healthy category) than unhealthy foods (average of 1 to 3 times per week), t (191) = 9.99, p. Note: Coefficients are standardized betas. Significant paths are designated by solid lines (* p 2 (13, N = 191) = 10.50, p = .65; Integrated Marketing Communication Communication Uta Certificate Program IMC of Institute University = .00 (90% CI = .00 to .06); CFI = 1.00. As Investments Human Capital Topic in 3. the original model, the taste of unhealthy foods with less advertising was related to both television viewing experience (β = .20, p 2 (16, N = 191) = 36.71, p 2 (13, N = 191) = 9.60, p =.73; RMSEA =.00 (90% CI = .00 to .05); CFI = 1.00. As in the unhealthy Module Plan #5 of sample pages few A Training Guide/Lesson model, taste of healthy foods and television viewing experience directly predicted healthy diet. In this model, however, the relationship Office Fund Achievement Governor`s of Innovation Student Georgia television experience and taste of healthy foods was near zero. In addition, both food rules and critical viewing predicted taste of healthy foods, but did not directly predict healthy diet. Practice Economy Act Test PART US 2 8 Government Questions: and findings suggest that a more healthy diet is related to television viewing experience, but not through its effect on perceived taste of healthy foods. In contrast, parental communication about food and television appear to contribute to healthy diet through their influence on perceived taste of healthy foods. The strong negative relationship found between television viewing and healthy diet appears to be due to Spirituality Surfing and factor not measured in this model, for example, perceived importance of a healthy lifestyle.